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08/25/2015
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08/25/2015
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McCleary/Rural Hotspots 155 <br /> Although the question of urban—rural generality is only one of many weighed in the <br /> Tenth Circuit's decision, it is the central question of this essay. Because most crim- <br /> inological research has been conducted in nonrural areas, criminological theories do <br /> not necessarily generalize to rural crime. Because relatively little crime occurs in <br /> rural areas, of course, few criminologists are interested in urban—rural questions. <br /> Following the Tenth Circuit's Abilene Retail decision,on the other hand, urban—rural <br /> differences are acutely relevant to policy makers and courts. <br /> The potential cost of the decision is staggering. In the best case, local governments <br /> will be forced to rewrite ordinances to cover businesses located in more rural areas. <br /> In the worst case, litigious adult businesses will have an incentive to relocate to rural <br /> areas, forcing trial courts to judge the relative ruralness of areas,case by case. In any <br /> case, extrapolating the Tenth Circuit's argument to other variables not explicitly <br /> addressed by criminological theory threatens the ability of local governments to mit- <br /> igate public safety hazards associated with adult businesses. <br /> This essay addresses the threshold question of whether criminological theories <br /> can be generalized to rural areas. Although the generalization may be difficult for <br /> some criminological theories, the relevant theory of"hotspots" (Sherman, Gartin, & <br /> Buerger, 1989) applies to any accessible area, rural or urban.After describing the rel- <br /> evant criminological theory, 1 report the results of a corroborating quasi-experimental <br /> case study. When an adult business is opened on an interstate highway off-ramp in a <br /> sparsely populated rural community, ambient crime risk rises precipitously, in effect <br /> making a hotspot of the community. <br /> The Criminological Theory of Secondary Effects <br /> Writing shortly after the advent of Uniform Crime Reports,Vold (1941) confirmed <br /> that a city's crime rate was proportional to its population.The observed relationship had <br /> an obvious explanation: "[B]ehavior in the country in all probability comes under much <br /> greater informal control of the opinions and disapprovals of the neighbors than is the <br /> case in the relative anonymity of the city" (p. 38). The negative correlation confirmed <br /> not only grand sociological theory (e.g., ninnies, 1887/1963; Durkheim, 1893/1964) <br /> but also the related criminological theory of social disorganization. <br /> As proposed by Shaw and McKay (1942), the theory of social disorganization <br /> predicts that neighborhoods with low residential stability will have high rates of <br /> delinquency and vice versa.To the extent that a small town has the characteristics of a <br /> stable neighborhood, social disorganization theory would predict the low crime rates <br /> observed by Vold (1941). Moreover, when a small town is disrupted by an influx of <br /> newcomers, the same theory predicts an abrupt increase in the town's crime rate. <br /> This can occur in at least two ways. First, the newcomers may victimize the <br /> town's residents. Indeed, fear of victimization by newcomers is implicated in the <br /> rapid spread of gated communities (Blandy, Lister,Atkinson, &Flint, 2003). Second, <br /> the influx of newcomers may disrupt the town's routine activities in a way that <br /> IS 2008 SDAG lPdc aftoOm n ah.t A;/ gss reasu a a1h4LmIFeOrRciA u sIRe V oINr uE noan u Mhaor 2z5e,d 2 di0s8 t <br /> rbution. <br />
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